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連老外都在用的英語「國民會話」大全集【虛擬點讀筆版】(附1CD+「Youtor App」內含VRP虛擬點讀筆)(五版)

為了解決would you make any c的問題，作者地表最強教學顧問團 這樣論述：

「連老外都在用」系列發行至今， 兩岸三地銷售突破五十萬冊， 連美國總統、記者、醫生、律師及工程師 都在使用這些國民會話！   《連老外都在用的英語「國民會話」大全集【虛擬點讀筆版】》 是一本一生受用的英語會話終極寶典， 是一本連老外都推崇讚賞的英語會話書， 是一本每個學習者都必備的語言工具書！   　　■廣受不同英語系國家老外一致推薦並共同審訂！ 　　Matthew｜英國牛津教學大師：學會話最正統的方式就是從一個字，再發展到句子，才能靈活運用在生活情境中。 　　Organis Rivers｜澳洲籍英文教師：活用單字和句型，遠比學一堆文法和背一堆單字重要。

　　Ben Lawrence｜美籍英語教學研究碩士：學習語言的最終目的便是溝通，學習派得上用場的會話才是最有用的。 　　Tiger Chen｜華裔紐西蘭籍英文教師：連美國總統、記者、醫生、律師及工程師都在使用這些國民會話！   　　■用英語「國民會話」練口說，讓你馬上掌握開口說英語的技巧！ 　　英語「國民會話」以美國小學課本為基礎編寫及延伸，是現今社會中最簡單、最常用、也最好用的會話！連美國總統、記者、醫生、律師及工程師都在使用，現在就開始學「國民會話」，馬上開口說英語！   　　■學習英語會話只要用對方法，馬上就能開啟英語學習興趣的大門，從此以後愛上學英文！ 　

　●7大美國最常使用情境：本書涵蓋7大美國生活情境「打招呼、情感表達、打電話、職場交際、逛街物、 交通出遊、居家會話」，所有老外在用的會話都能一網打盡。 　　 　　●老外天天都在說這些：本書完整收錄美國人最常用的句型和文法，只要將這些句型套用進會話裡，讓你學1句，就能說10句，輕鬆跟老外用英語流利對話。   　　●一個字就能開口說英語：別以為老外懂很多單字，其實他們最常使用的單字不超過2,000個，所以單字不用背太多，只要一個字便可以道盡千言萬語。   　　【使用說明】 　　STEP 1. 分色、分類編排，查找會話好方便！ 　　書中收錄實用的國民會話共1,675句

，每句會話再加上衍伸或同義說法，總共約有3,000句。三篇分別以紫、紅、藍三色編排，方便讀者在使用這本國民會話書時快速查找：   　　1. 短句篇：聽不懂老外會話？有時老外真的不會用我們從課本上學到的句子說話，而本書的短句篇能你用最簡單的句子，說出最道地的英語！   　　2. 情境篇：依照生活頻率分類，包含七大美國情境「打招呼、情感表達、打電話、職場交際、逛街購物、交通出遊、居家會話」，每個分類再細分出不同狀況的說法，並加以解釋和補充同義說法，老外會話就是這樣學！   　　3. 句型篇：該是自己說出老外會話的時候了！句型篇依字母排列舉出428句最常用句型並以色塊表示，每

句都附有例句說明以及中文解釋，當你了解這些句型的使用方式後，就能自然而然地跟老外說出流利英語會話了！   　　STEP 2. 深入學例句及生字補充，老外還給你貼心叮嚀！ 　　每個句子皆搭配精選的實例會話，並有生難字詞的補充，讓你不但能了解會話用法，還能深入學習更多常用的單字片語，再加上老外時不時貼心叮嚀你會話使用時機和意義，讓你絕不出錯！   　　STEP 3. 邊看邊聽學會話，數位學習不落人後！ 　　此書特別強調學習會話「聽、說、讀」個別的獨立功能，全書單字及例句皆附專業美籍老師錄製之音檔，除了使用CD聽取之外，也可以下載「Youtor App」（內含VRP虛擬點讀筆

），掃描書中QR Code就能聽音檔，立即幫助讀者學習正統發音及改善聽力！更多細節，請參見下方說明：   　　1.在哪裡下載「VRP虛擬點讀筆」？ 　　（1）讀者可以掃描書中的QR Code連結，或是於App商城搜尋「Youtor App」（內含VRP虛擬點讀筆）下載即可。   　　2.為什麼會有「VRP虛擬點讀筆」？ 　　（1）以往讀者購買語言學習工具書時，為了要聽隨書附贈的音檔，總是要拿出已經很少在用的CD播放器或利用電腦，又或是轉存到手機來使用，耗時又不方便。   　　（2）坊間當然也有推出「點讀筆」來改善此種學習上的不方便，但是一支筆加一本書往往就要二、三千元

，且各家點讀筆又不相容，CP值真的很低。 　　 　　（3）後來雖然有了利用QR Code掃描下載檔案至手機來聽取音檔的方式，但手機不僅必須要一直處在上網的狀態，且從掃描到聽取音檔的時間往往要花個5秒以上，很令人氣結。   　　（4）因此，我們為了同時解決讀者以上三種困擾，特別領先全球開發了「VRP虛擬點讀筆」，並獲得專利，希望這個輔助學習的工具，能讓讀者不僅不用再額外花錢，且使用率和相容性也是史上最高。   　　3.「VRP虛擬點讀筆」就是這麼方便！ 　　（1）讀者只要透過書中的QR Code連結，就能立即下載「Youtor App」（內含VRP虛擬點讀筆）。（僅限i

Phone和Android二種系統手機）   　　（2）下載完成後，可至App目錄中搜尋需要的音檔或直接掃描內頁QR Code，將音檔一次從雲端下載至手機使用。 　　（3）當音檔已完成下載後，讀者只要拿出手機並開啟「Youtor App」（內含VRP虛擬點讀筆），就能隨時掃描書中頁面的QR Code立即讀取音檔（平均1秒內）且不需要開啟上網功能。   　　（4）「VRP虛擬點讀筆」就像是點讀筆一樣好用，還可以調整播放速度（0.8-1.2倍速），加強聽力練習。 　　（5）「VRP虛擬點讀筆」比點讀筆更好用，具有定時播放、背景播放的功能，也可以自動換頁或是手動點選想要的頁

數，聆聽該頁音檔。 　　（6）如果讀者擔心音檔下載後太佔手機空間，也可以隨時刪除音檔，下次需要使用時再下載。購買本公司書籍的讀者等於有一個雲端的CD櫃可隨時使用。 　　（7）詳細使用及操作方法請見書中使用說明。   　　※雖然我們努力做到完美，但也有可能因為手機的系統版本和「Youtor App」（內含VRP虛擬點讀筆）不相容導致無法安裝，在此必須和讀者說聲抱歉，若無法正常使用，請與本公司聯繫，由專人為您服務。

would you make any c進入發燒排行的影片

探析新冠肺炎疫情下英國全民運動之發展

為了解決would you make any c的問題，作者伍昱玟 這樣論述：

全球新冠肺炎持續延燒，使英國全民運動的發展與推動受到巨大的衝擊，然而，透過運動政策的調整，以及相關指引的計畫與介入，令英國從一開始感染人數暴增，運動參與率大幅下降的狀況下，逐步將運動參與率恢復至疫情前的水準。因此，本研究的目的在於英國在疫情時代之下的全民運動發展情形與推動成效，理解英國政府如何因應疫情的變化，將全民運動的發展進行適度的調整與更新，以及其發展結果。本研究使用系統性文獻分析法，透過資料的蒐集、彙整與分析，探討英國在疫情下全民運動之發展。結果發現英國的全民運動發展，在疫情初期，確實遭受巨大衝擊，2020年3月時，運動活躍人口下降300萬人次，相當於7.1%，但隨著政府與相關單位，在

疫情的不同階段，快速地進行政策調整，並且對於相關組織與單位，提供各種精確的指南，在跨部會的整合下，搭配防疫限制及疫苗政策，使規律運動人口提升至61.2%。因此，英國對於疫情除了國家級衛生部門的防疫政策外，對於疫情的階段也具有清楚的定義，並且提供不同階段的運動發展指示或指南，使全民運動在疫情下仍能發展與成長。

Drucker on Totalitarianism and Salvation by Society

為了解決would you make any c的問題，作者Peter F. Drucker 這樣論述：

　　TO OUR READERS 　　I have long wanted to compile a volume that brings together Peter Drucker’s discourses on totalitarianism and salvation by society to make them easily accessible to readers. Now the work has finally been completed. 　　The book is comprised of selections from five of Peter Drucker

’s works, The End of Economic Man, The Ecological Vision, Landmarks of Tomorrow, Adventures of a Bystander, and A Functioning Society. My job was to sort the content into nine chapters, draw up titles, and write related introductions to the chapters. Drucker’s reflections on and critiques of totalit

arianism run through most of his works, but they are more focused and systematic in the five books mentioned above. Known as “the father of modern management”, Peter Drucker had a lifelong hatred of totalitarianism. He studied management because he felt that only the effective management of pluralis

tic social organizations—including non-profit organizations, industrial and commercial enterprises, and government agencies—could provide options or alternatives to resist totalitarian rule. 　　Totalitarianism is an ugly phenomenon in human society and politics, and it is also a terrifying disease.

It has caused more suffering to humankind than any other tyranny in history. What it seeks is to fully and thoroughly manipulate and control every individual, both in body and mind, turning humans not only into animals but also into machines and tools as well. Totalitarianism aims for absolute power

, but no one except the Creator has such power. Hence, it manifests as a state of absurdity and madness in which “the movement (persecution) is everything, yet there is no purpose.” By its nature, totalitarianism cannot tolerate the existence of even a tiny bit of humanity. The Nazis’ “final solutio

n” (genocide), the mass murder of Jews, is its logical result. Today, highly developed new technologies are also providing imaginative physical and psychological methods of manipulation, giving those with totalitarian ambitions the means to carry out a “final solution,” the extinction of unmankind (

the extinction of human nature; that is, essentially exterminating the human species.) Totalitarianism is the result of the failure of “salvation by society”. 　　History has repeatedly proven that any perfect, or nearly perfect society that claims to have no conflict, no class differences, complete

fairness, justice, benevolence, and harmony, is a utopia. However, using society to eliminate evil in human nature, to save human beings from depravity, and transform them into perfect people, is merely a naïve fantasy. Marxism is the most recent, most rigorous, and most alluring social rescue plan

but also the utmost failure at “salvation by society”. Today, political parties and nations still under the banner of Marxist communism or socialism have essentially sunken into totalitarianism. 　　From the perspective of philosophy, “Salvation by society” belongs to the category of absolute rationa

lism. It originates from human beings’ pride and conceit, is the notion that people can grasp absolute truth and become the master of everything in the world, including their own destiny. 　　Tracing their respective roots in different fields of knowledge, people regard their discoveries as the only

correctness. They develop various “isms,” including progressivism, scientism, economic utilitarianism, rational liberalism, nationalism or ethnocentrism, and socialism and communism. 　　 　　These doctrines may be impeccable logically, and some are emotionally moving. But they all have an a priori hypo

thesis that cannot be empirically proven or falsified—that is, human beings can be absolutely rational and can comprehend absolute truth. 　　Now we finally know this priori hypothesis is wrong, not because of logic’s merits or demerits, but because it simply doesn’t work in real life. So, where is t

he way out? Peter Drucker suggested that we return to spiritual values and faith: to experience and recognize there is a higher authority beyond society and above human beings. That authority has already planted compassion and justice in human’s hearts, what we usually call “conscience.” If humans i

ndeed have a purely rational nature, conscience is its master. With conscience derived from faith, rationality can perform its beneficial functions. Like the conservatism’s counterrevolutionary movement that took place in the United States and Great Britain more than two hundred years ago, it shines

with the glory of true freedom and genuine rationality: Those movements were constructive, not destructive; they appealed to the love, faith, and humility of Christ. Based on religious conviction, they firmly rejected human’s absolute rationality, or irrational absolutism, and were solemnly committ

ed to human dignity.   　　 　　Peter Drucker inherited the tradition of the conservatism’s counterrevolution in the United States and Great Britain. Inspired by observing social and political realities in the United States, he formed a social concept that differs from a social rescue plan (salvation by

society): lesser evils instead of greater good. Although imperfect, it would create a less painful and tolerable society. Such a society should have the following characteristics: 　　1. It would replace solipsistic “isms” with an open and tolerant attitude. 　　2. It would replace centralized and uni

form structures with diversified social organization and decentralized power centers. 　　3. It would replace revolutionary dogma with experimental, gradual improvement and review from time to time. 　　4. It would replace the rigid social relationship that mutually exclude and negate between individual

and the whole, or between the different parts of the society, with the principle of mutual dependence and mutual benefit to establish a dynamic equilibrium between the individuals and society, freedom and order. 　　Such a society would not follow a preset scientific design, nor would it need to rel

y on charismatic leaders or supermen. It would not be perfect, but it would be better and achievable. 　　It should be emphasized that Drucker’s openness, tolerance, diversity, and eclecticism are not without a bottom line. The bottom line is that he will never tolerate any form of totalitarian autoc

racy. Drucker noted that human beings have two essential qualities that other creatures don’t have—knowledge and power. These attributes can neither be removed nor avoided, and their aims and uses must be regulated and restricted. He was wary of sovereign states and modern governments. He believed t

hat regardless of whether they adopted a democratic system or an autocratic system, they were essentially the same but only different in extent, to which they infringed on individual rights and freedoms. Therefore, within every sovereign state and modern government, there exists a gene for the growt

h of totalitarianism. When any nation abuses its knowledge and power to violate human rights, the international community must restrict or even deprive it of its sovereignty. 　　However, Drucker believed that thus far, the United States may be the only country that has never entirely accepted the co

ncept and system of a sovereign state. Therefore, as the leader of the free world and developed countries in the West, the United States is best suited to be the first to serve as a model for global actions to resist totalitarianism. Constructive frontiers of work are more important and decisive tha

n confrontations in the military sphere. Such frontiers are not found in the East, where totalitarianism is firmly rooted and far-reaching, but in the free world, especially in the West, where the U.S. has an advantage. These “West” frontiers are: 　　• the educated society; 　　• the world economy of

dynamic development; 　　• the new political concepts and institutions needed in this pluralist age, internationally, 　　nationally and locally; and civilizations that can take the place of the East that has vanished. 　　Ultimately, when the “West” constructive endeavors bring forth the tolerable new s

ociety that Ducker envisioned, restoring confidence in freedom and equality, totalitarianism will evaporate just as the sun rises and the dew will naturally be disappeared, losing its deceptive magic. 　　For those who are not free today, who unfortunately live under totalitarian rule or in totalitar

ian revolutionary movements, Drucker offers advice on how to deal with the environment based on his personal experiences in Europe as a teenager. The first is what not to do. Power has the potential for absolute and comprehensive control, and human nature is weak, unable to withstand the threats and

temptations of power, let alone face the opening of “Pandora’sBox”—totalitarianism. If a person is not ready to stand up, fight, and sacrifice him—or herself for righteousness— and it is only the few of the best, noblest, and courageous among us who can do that—the wisest thing to do is to break of

f with totalitarianism. 　　If some people try to control it with ambition or to make a deal with it by using wisdom and ingenuity, whether out of selfish motives or sincere goodwill, totalitarianism will use them, and they will become accomplices to its evildoing. In “The Monster and the Lamb” of th

is book, Drucker termed the former type “monster” and the latter “lamb.” Compared with above two types of people who voluntarily join the totalitarian camp, the other type of people is often the majority. Although they do not participate in themselves, they acquiesce totalitarianism to abuse others,

they turn their heads, safely latch their door then enjoy “peace and quiet.” Totalitarian careerists derive their greatest encouragement from public indifference, which is an “endorsement” to behave unscrupulously and do whatever they please. 　　As for what people should do vs what should not do, D

rucker didn’t give an easy answer. He didn’t tell us what proactive actions we can take under the terror, pressure, and false propaganda of totalitarianism that would effectively weaken totalitarian rule while protecting as much as possible ourselves and families. The situation is similar to the Bib

lical story of Abraham, who accepted God’s order to sacrifice his son. Abraham felt compelled to obey God’s command, yet also wanted to save his beloved son Isaac. Considering and formulating what strategies and courses of action is the responsibility of every entrepreneur, teacher, scholar, media p

erson, government official, professional knowledge worker, and citizen. However, the principles and directions have been given, and the constraints of the objective environment are also clear. Therefore, we can at least know the understanding of ethics, morals, and performance are required for holdi

ng a position or running a business in a totalitarian country are different than they would be for the same position or business in a democratic country. For example, if you have to set up a business in a totalitarian country, your goal should not be to contribute to the country’s GDP or tax revenue

. Nor should you aid in strengthening its national defense or “stabilizing” its society. And, not to mention that you should never use the national ideology to educate employees and unite them.   　　Lastly, I’d like to point out that the book ends on an optimistic note, which Drucker wrote in 1959.

He was fifty years old then, vigorous and confident. He saw a pluralistic and autonomous organizational new society taking shape in the United States and the West. The boom in modern　management and the emergence of an educated group of knowledge workers (also known as the “middle class”) complementi

ng each other at that time. But on the other hand, he also noticed that mankind had begun to master knowledge of the natural science and behavioral science that could end up destroying humanity. And that kind of knowledge was creating conditions for the exercise of absolute power. In that era of gre

at change, he urged society, human beings, and individuals to “return to spiritual values and return to religion,” and he emphasized knowledge workers’ responsibilities, because in inherence, “knowledge is power, and power is responsibility.” It is also because only through the specific and subtle p

ractice of assuming responsibility and thus realizing dignity at the individual level could humankind’s long-standing grand and lofty ideal of “freedom and equality” be achieved. Hereby, I would like to revisit with the readers on Drucker’s clarion call that he made sixty years ago as encouragement

for us all: 　　“Everyone must be ready to take over alone and without notice, and show himself saint or hero, villain or coward... played out in one’s daily life, in one’s work, in one’s citizenship, in one’s　compassion or lack of it, in one’s courage to stick to an unpopular principle, and in one’s

refusal to sanction man’s inhumanity to man in an age of cruelty and moral numbness. 　　In a time of change and challenge, new vision and new danger, new frontiers and permanent crisis, suffering and achievement, in a time of overlap such as ours, the individual is both all-powerless and all-powerf

ul. He is powerless, however exalted his station, if he believes that he can impose his will, that he can command the tides of history. He is all-powerful, no matter how lowly, if he knows himself to be responsible.” 　　Ming Lo Shao, Editor 　　October 2020, in Los Angeles, USA   編者簡介 　　FOREWORD O

N BEHALF OF THE AUTHOR 　　If the author of this book, Peter Drucker, were still alive, faced with the reality of the current rifts in American politics and society, I believe he would warn and advise us all, particularly the young and enthusiastic among us, with the following words from the preface

of The End of Economic Man, reprinted in 1969: 　　But can we still be sure? Or are there not signs around us that totalitarianism may re-infest us, may indeed overwhelm us again? The problems of our times are very different from those of the ’twenties and ’thirties, and so are our realities. But som

e of our reactions to these problems are ominously reminiscent of the “despair of the masses” that plunged Europe into Hitler’s totalitarianism and into World War II. In their behavior some groups—they racists, white and black, but also some of the student “activists” on the so-called Left—are frigh

teningly reminiscent of Hitler’s stormtroopers—in their refusal to grant any rights, free speech for instance, to anyone else; in their use of character assassination; in their joy in destruction and vandalism. 　　In their rhetoric these groups are odiously similar to Hitler’s speeches and so is the

dreary nihilism of their prophets to hatred from Mao to Marcus. But above all, these groups on the “Right” as well as on the “Left,” like the totalitarians of the generation ago, believe that to say “no” is a positive policy; that to have compassion is to be weak; and that to manipulate idealism fo

r the pursuit of power is to be “idealistic.” They have not learned the one great lesson of our recent past: hatred is no answer to despair. 　　Understanding of the dynamics of the totalitarianism of yesterday may help us better to understand today and to prevent a recurrence of yesterday. It may, I

hope above all, help young people today to turn their idealism, their genuine distress over the horrors of this world, and their desire for a better and braver tomorrow into constructive action for, rather than into totalitarian nihilism as their predecessors did thirty years ago. For at the end of

this road there could only be another Hitler and another “ultimate solution” with its gas chambers and extermination camps. 　　Those words not only embody the book’s practical significance today but also the historical importance it will have in the future. 　　Editor     　　November 2, 2020, America

n Presidential Election Eve 　　Los Angeles, USA   CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS PREFACE PREFACE TO OUR READERS FOREWORD ON BEHALF OF THE AUTHOR   CHAPTER ONE The Morbid Phenomena of Totalitarian Countries Introduction 1 The Totalitarian Economic System and the “Noneconomic Society” 2 By Justifying Per

sonal Sacrifice to Deny the Meaning of Life and Society 3 Create Enemies and Incite Hatred Between Classes, Races, and Nations 4 Control the Entire Country and Society by One Top-to-bottom Totalitarian Organization 5 Mystifying Leader, Creating an Atmosphere of Personal Worship 6 Encourage Informers

and Undermine Traditional Ethical Values   CHAPTER TWO The Origins and Essence of Totalitarianism from the Prospective of Society and Politics Introduction 1 The Total Failure of Marxism Had Been a Main Reason for the Europe’s Masses to Supported Totalitarianism 2 Why Can Totalitarianism Win the Su

pport of the Masses? 3 No Revolutionary Leader Can Oppose the Inner Dynamic of the Revolution or Impose Measures That Go Against Public Opinion   CHAPTER THREE Totalitarianism Inevitably be Replaced by a New Noneconomic Society Based on Individual Freedom and Equality Introduction   CHAPTER FOUR The

Origins and Essence of Totalitarianism from the Perspective of Rationality and Faith Introduction 1 From Rousseau to Hitler 2 Why Society Is Not Enough: Introduction to The Unfashionable Kierkegaard 3 The Unfashionable Kierkegaard   CHAPTER FIVE The Origins and Essence of Totalitarianism from the P

erspective of Technology Progress Introduction Abstraction Part One of The Human Situation Today   CHAPTER SIX Criticism of Marxism Introduction 1 How Did Marxist “Political Economics” Be Debunked? 2 Marxism’s Failure   CHAPTER SEVEN Do We Want “Salvation by Society” or a Society That Is Not Perfec

t but Tolerable? Introduction 1 No More Salvation by Society 2 A Society that May Be the Best We Can Possibly Hope For   CHAPTER EIGHT The Free World’s “West” Strategy to Resist Totalitarianism Introduction 1 “The Work to Be Done”—The Overview of the “West” Strategy 2 Discussion on the Frontiers of

“West” Strategy   CHAPTER NINE How Should Individuals Deal with the Threat and Temptation of Totalitarianism? Introduction 1 The Maverick Young Drucker 2 The Monster and the Lamb 3 Abstraction Part Two of The Human Situation Today   推薦序 PREFACE 　　Peter Drucker was a friend and advisor to me duri

ng my leadership years at ServiceMaster. Minglo Shao has become a very special friend of mine. We first met as he became a partner of ServiceMaster, assisting us in expanding our business to China and other countries in the Far East. I later had the privilege of introducing him to Peter Drucker, and

the two of them developed a good friendship which extended over the balance of Peter’s life. 　　Minglo Shao has now developed an abstract of Drucker’s writings reflecting Drucker’s view on “totalitarianism and salvation by society.” As you read this, it is well to reflect upon the application of th

ese thoughts—especially to the young people of today—providing appropriate warnings and excellent advice. Thank you, Minglo, for the example of your life and your continued friendship. C. William Pollard November 2, 2020 American Presidential Election Eve Chicago, Illinois, USA 2 By Justifying Pe

rsonal Sacrifice to Deny the Meaning of Life and SocietyThe consistent new concept of society which totalitarianism proclaims is nothing but a mirage unless war is accepted not only as legitimate but as supreme. Man’s function and his place in war must lay the basis of his function and place in soci

ety altogether. Hitler’s and Mussolini’s entire social and political edifices are necessarily built upon Heroic Man as the concept of man’s true nature.* * * * *The anonymous soldier in the trenches, the equally anonymous worker on the assembly line, are fundamental symbols of this new concept of ma

n. And Ernst Juenger, the one really profound German philosopher of the totalitarian state, has therefore consciously based his new society upon the figure of the Worker-Soldier; physical pain and the ability to endure it are the basis of his new order of values.

烏俄戰爭中領導人的談判策略分析

為了解決would you make any c的問題，作者陳立勛 這樣論述：

談判，是一種在生活中隨處可見的技能，而且可以在許多場合上應用，例如:在工作場所、在討論國際議題上、甚至能運用在兩性關係中。本研究以涉及烏俄戰爭的領導人之相關演講為例，探討如何準備以及進行談判，並且分析烏俄雙方衝突的潛在原因和歷史脈絡。本研究以五篇演講作為範例來進行分析，演講內容將作為研究數據紀錄下來，並且將數據概念化、做出資料分段並進行分析。研究內容顯示，談判者傾向只將談判視為當前事件，然而其後果可能會對後續的談判進展造成顯著的影響。在某些場合中，談判可能會持續數日、數週、甚至數月，當雙方談判前的準備都做得差不多時，影響談判過程的其他因素將會變得相對重要，例如:如果談判雙方對彼此的瞭若指掌，

談判的最終目標就會轉為兼顧雙方的利益(雙贏)。綜上所述，談判在解決問題抑或是衝突都扮演著至關重要的角色。